Women as dedicatees of artes de canto in the early modern Iberian world: imposed knowledge or women's choice?

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  • 1Early Music, Vol. 00, No. 00 The Author 2012. Published by Oxford University Press. All rights reserved..doi:10.1093/em/cas038, available online at www.em.oxford journals.com

    Ascensin Mazuela-Anguita

    Women as dedicatees of artes de canto in the early modern Iberian world: imposed knowledge or

    womens choice?

    Only two known 16th-century music books printed in the Iberian world were dedicated to women: El arte Tripharia (Osuna, 1550) by Juan Bermudo (c.1510after 1559) and Arte de canto llano (Valladolid, 1594) by Francisco de Montanos (c.1528after 1595). The first one, dedicated to Isabel Pacheco, abbess of an Andalusian convent, was addressed to her nuns. The second, dedicated to the noblewoman Catalina de Ziga y Sandoval (15551628), was a plainsong handbook consisting of only the first section of an earlier work by Montanos, Arte de musica theorica y pratica (Valladolid, 1592), which had been dedicated to Catalinas husband, Fernando Ruiz de Castro, 6th Count of Lemos (see illus.1). Book historians claim that the major-ity of 16th-century books dedicated to women were books for women in a wide sense, so that the dedi-catee is only the representative tip of the iceberg with which other women identify.1 In fact, brief and practical music handbooks like El arte Tripharia, addressed to women, have usually been taken as evi-dence to support the claim that Renaissance Iberian music treatises considered women as intellectually inferior learners, to be taught only the practical side of music.2 After questioning the assumption that Bermudos El arte Tripharia was addressed only to nuns, this article will focus on the gener-ally overlooked connections between Montanoss Arte de canto llano and Catalina de Ziga. Both the dedication by Montanos and the prefatory mate-rial of other books dedicated to that noblewoman support the hypothesis that Catalina de Ziga was

    neither a passive receptor nor a prospective user of Montanoss book, but might in fact have commis-sioned the publication of it to serve her own agenda as a religious patroness.3

    Bermudos El arte Tripharia (1550) in historiographical contextMusicological interpretations of Juan Bermudos El arte Tripharia from gender perspectives can be placed in the context of wider debates about the role of women in the creation and transmission of cul-ture and the representation of women in literature and art. In the case of early modern Florence, for example, Kelley Harness argues that it is difficult to determine the degree of choice enjoyed by women as art patrons, because, in an age in which silence was one of the virtues of women, patronage was a venue of communication. Harness affirms that it is possible to recognize the gender of the patron of a work, and that women controlled the represen-tation of their gender in the works they commis-sioned.4 In the same vein, Susan Bell considers that women who commissioned books either for their childrens instruction or as gifts for their daughters exercised power and cultural influence in their choice of subject matter.5 Joan Kelly-Gadol, whose challenge to the idea of a Renaissance for women is widely known, represents the other side of the coin as she argues that the works commissioned by Italian noblewomen do not show any consist-ent correspondence to their concerns as women.6

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    1 Francisco de Montanos, Arte de canto llano (Valladolid, 1594), title-page (Coimbra, Universidade de Coimbra, Biblioteca Geral, r-11-36)

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    Referring to Renaissance Spain, Elisa Garrido likewise asserts that women had only a superficial involvement in culture, limited to the patronage of artists and the passive reception of knowledge, which led to a further strengthening of male-dom-inated attitudes.7

    These controversies have been reflected in musi-cological studies focused on Italy. William Prizer identifies two patterns of female musical patronage in late 15th-century Mantua and Ferrara: women did not patronize sacred music; and they employed neither singers of sacred music nor players of loud instruments. In this case, it may be argued that womens choice was determined by the social rules of the age, according to which noblewomen were expected to have in their households neither loud instruments ... nor a personal chapel.8 By relating this discussion to the analysis of the relationship between women and music books in the 16th-cen-tury Iberian world, three questions arise: could the representation of women in music books commis-sioned by and addressed to women be considered a negotiation? Were there any patterns of female patronage of music books in the Renaissance Iberian world? Furthermore, if these exist, to what extent were they the result of womens choices?

    Since El arte Tripharia is the only known music book printed in the 16th-century Iberian world both dedicated to a woman and explicitly addressed to women as its potential users,9 it is not surprising that it has been analysed for clues about the musi-cal knowledge expected from women, and used for discussing questions of gender in music pedagogy.10 Written in Spanish, El arte Tripharia was dedicated to Isabel Pacheco, Abbess of the Santa Clara convent in Montilla (Crdoba), who, according to Bermudo, needed a brief handbook for her nuns musical training and, in particular, for her niece who was to become a nun and needed to learn quickly how to sing and play. Bermudo accordingly published a brief three-part summary on plainsong, mensural music and organ playing, which was aimed to be sufficient mainly for nuns who are studious and only intend to know the Divine Office.11 The com-parison between El arte Tripharia and Bermudos Libro primero de la Declaracin de instrumentos (Osuna, 1549), an extensive book including philo-sophical references, has been viewed as an excellent

    opportunity to determine how Bermudo, and per-haps other writers of this period, may have perceived the teaching of music to both men and women.12 It is not clear whether Bermudo had in mind gender dif-ferences when he designed his books. Alternatively, it is possible that he was considering the use of each book by people with different levels of musi-cal training, or perhaps from distinct educational environments such as universities and convents. My hypothesis is that El arte Tripharia was addressed to clergymen, choirboys, monks and nuns, all of whom needed at least to be able to sing in order to carry out their religious functions. The teaching of only what was essential and the focus on practice are two of the general characteristics of the artes de canto, the small-format books written in the vernacular, which contained the main rules of religious chant and served a didactic purpose. Colleen Baade sug-gests the same hypothesis: It is uncertain, however, whether El arte provides direct evidence of ineq-uities in the respective music training of females and males.13 Nevertheless, could women go further and acquire knowledge similar to that provided by Bermudos Libro primero de la Declaracin de instrumentos? The evidence suggests that only a limited number of women (and also men) acquired a theoretical musical knowledge, and this depended not on gender but on other criteria such as social status.

    Regarding nuns musical training in 17th-cen-tury Spain, it has been argued that music hand-books were a form of literature written by men and addressed to male readers, this being a legacy from the Renaissance music treatises, in which women were placed at a gender disadvantage. This would be reflected in the fact that the intended reader of the handbooks was not the woman herself, but the person in charge of teaching her music.14 However, it is not clear whether it was always men who taught music to women, since we know that there were female teachers in convents and other environments. Even though it has been argued that the cloister was the sole setting in which women were allowed to teach music,15 we find women who taught music in both court and domestic contexts, as exempli-fied by the cases of ngela Sigea and Paula Vicente, who were in charge of teaching music at the court of Mara of Portugal (152177), and Cecilia Morillas

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    (c.15301581), who turned her house into a univer-sity.16 Thus, although references to women teaching music in public settings are quite limited, these cases suggest that further investigation into private envi-ronments other than convents may provide traces of evidence for much greater musical activity of women in everyday life of that period.

    The prefatory material of El arte Tripharia shows that the book was not designed exclusively for the nuns of Isabel Pacheco, and that the publication was not funded by the abbess, but by relatives and friends of Bermudo. Furthermore, the book was not commis-sioned by the abbess, but was the most basic of a series of books that Bermudo had already composed.17 As early as 1549, in his Libro primero de la Declaracin, Bermudo mentioned a volume for beginners already circulating whose first three sections were the same as El arte Tripharia.18 In the prologue of El arte Tripharia Bermudo explained that those beginners who wanted to use his more complicated books should start with this one, which had been designed as an introduction. Furthermore, Bermudos allusions in El arte Tripharia to the widening of knowledge that would be obtained by reading his other books refutes the hypothesis that the author was restricting womens musical training to the contents of this one handbook.19

    In the prologue of El arte Tripharia, Bermudo stated his intention that it should be used across Spain,20 but there is no evidence to establish whether or not it was a widely circulated book. As far as we know, it was not reprinted after its first edition, most likely owing to the fact that its contents were integrated into his more ambitious Declaracin de instrumentos musicales (Osuna, 1555).21 The first eleven chapters of El arte Tripharia were trans-lated word-for-word into Catalan and included in the Ordinarium Barcinonense (Barcelona, 1569), a liturgical book edited by the Bishop of Barcelona, Guillem Caador (151070), with the aim of improv-ing the training of both nuns and clergymen of his dioceses.22 Thus, the evidence suggests that Bermudo did not distinguish between his male and female readers, but rather considered the different levels of their skill and the environments in which they studied. As the Ordinarium Barcinonense indicates, El arte Tripharia was not conceived or regarded at this time as a book exclusively for women, but as an introductory handbook for users of both genders.

    Montanoss two treatises dedicated to the Counts of Lemos: Catalina de Ziga, A very male ladyThe publication of Arte de musica in 1592, dedi-cated to the Count of Lemos, was the culmina-tion of Montanoss long career as a chapel master, teacher and composer, first in Toro (156264) and then at the collegiate church of Santa Mara la Mayor (later cathedral) in Valladolid and in the Count of Lemoss house.23 In this treatise, divided into six parts (plainsong (canto llano), mensural music (canto de rgano), counterpoint (contra-punto), composition (compostura), proportion (proporcin) and progressions (lugares comunes)), Montanos stated that his aim was to facilitate musi-cal understanding for those who were keen on the discipline and also to those who knew the prac-tice but not the reasoning. He included a preface entrusting the book to chapel masters and learned musicians, through whom it should be approached, which indicates that the book was conceived as a didactic tool. The coat of arms of the Count of Lemos, printed on the title-page, is crowned by a winged figure, perhaps that of the count himself, Fernando Ruiz de Castro. That the count sponsored this publication should not be surprising given the precedent established by his family: in 1557 his great-uncle, Cardinal Rodrigo de Castro, had been the dedicatee of Francisco Salinass De Musica libri septem (Salamanca, 1557).

    In 1594, Montanos published the first section of the Arte de musica as a separate volume entitled Arte de canto llano and dedicated it to Catalina de Ziga, Countess of Lemos. Until now, most schol-ars have been unaware both of the unique extant copy of this first edition of the Arte de canto llano from 1594 preserved at Coimbra University Library (the only edition that contains the dedication to the countess) and of the references made to it by Antonio Ventura Roel del Ro in the 18th century.24 Scholars have generally assumed that the better-known 1610 edition was a 17th-century reprint of the most popular section of the Arte de musica theorica y pratica (Valladolid, 1592), dedicated to Catalinas husband (see the Appendix). The Arte de canto llano consists of two parts: a brief explanatory section that includes the main rules of plainsong, using numerous musical examples (just four out of the 23 pages of this section contain text only) and a

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    compilation of pieces intended for practice (at least 89 pages). On the title-page Montanos addressed his book to beginners and he, like Bermudo, directed his readers to his more extensive book (Arte de musica) to widen their knowledge and find theoreti-cal definitions.

    Catalina de Ziga, sister of Philip IIIs Prime Minister, the Duke of Lerma,25 held important polit-ical positions at court throughout her life. When she married, Catalina was a lady-in-waiting to Queen Anne of Austria, and left Spain to accompany her husband when he was appointed Viceroy of Naples in 1599. Two years later she was widowed and returned to Spain as the head lady-in-waiting to Queen Margaret of Austria, a position previously held by both her mother and her grandmother, remaining at the court and serving successive queens until her death. Catalinas life shows how women could have political power even in relatively private con-texts, since her position allowed her family to access privileged information, as evidenced by Catalinas letters preserved in the archive of the Alba family in Madrid.26 Interestingly enough, Catalina de Zigas intelligence and energetic character was viewed as mannish by her contemporaries. For instance, the countess was described in 1602 by Orazio Della Rena as a woman of virile spirit and great sincerity, and qualified as a very male lady in one of the 691 popular short stories noted down in the early 17th century in a manuscript entitled Cuentos muy mal escritos que not don Juan de Arguijo.27

    The prefatory material of Montanoss Arte de canto llano (1594) in the context of Monforte de Lemos (Galicia)After the title-page of Arte de canto llano with Catalina de Zigas coat of arms (illus.1), the prefatory material consists of the required legal documentation, a sonnet addressed to Montanos by an anonymous friend and the authors dedica-tion to Catalina (illus.2). The legal documents are the tax signed by Cristbal de Len, the approba-tion signed by Hernando de Cabezn (both docu-ments dated 1593), and the royal privilege (dated 22 September 1594), which gave Montanos licence to print it for eight years. The book lacks both a pro-logue about music reasoning, like the one in the

    Arte de musica, and any prefatory material writ-ten by Montanos himself. However, it does have a dedication, which is slightly broader than the one in the Arte de musica and functions also as a prologue indicating the reasons for publishing the book. The terms used by Montanos in his dedication are very similar to those employed by other authors of artes de canto, two examples being the dedication of the 1515 edition (and later editions) of Gonzalo Martnez de Bizcarguis Arte de canto llano y contrapunto y canto de organo (Zaragoza, 1508) to Juan Rodrguez de Fonseca, Bishop of Burgos, and the dedication of Melchor de Torress Arte ingeniosa de musica (Alcal de Henares, 1544) to Gutierre de Carvajal, Bishop of Plasencia. These authors, like Montanos, emphasized the religious zeal of the dedicatees and their determination to improve the musical com-petence of the clergy in order to praise God. Thus, Montanoss dedication reflects an image of Catalina de Ziga similar to that created for high-status ecclesiastical patrons.

    In the dedication of the Arte de canto llano Montanos tells us, in the past tense, about a hith-erto unknown previous period of residence in Galicia as a chaplain and chapel master of the Count of Lemos, and explicitly addresses the book to Galician clergymen; his interest in that region seems to be confirmed by his (unsuccessful) appli-cation in 1581 for the position of chapel master at Santiago de Compostela Cathedral. Another detail about the counts chapel in Galicia is provided by an inquisitional document: the 1583 confession and renouncement from the Anglican sect of Juan Sherwin, an English double-bass player and flautist at the royal court, who, when asked about his job, explained that he had previously worked in Galicia as a musician in the service of the Count of Lemos.28 Montanos addressed his book to Catalina de Ziga with the aim that clergymen would understand her zeal for the celebration of the Divine Office with the necessary solemnity. The dedication suggests that this book could have been used in an educa-tional institution in Galicia, although, as we will see, not under the authors direct supervision.

    Montanoss Arte de canto llano was published in 1594, when Catalinas children started to study at Monforte de Lemos Jesuit College (Galicia), in whose foundation, led by Cardinal Rodrigo de Castro (the

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    2 Francisco de Montanos, Arte de canto llano, sonnet and dedication to Catalina de Ziga, Countess of Lemos (Coimbra, Universidade de Coimbra, Biblioteca Geral, r-11-36)

    dedicatee of Salinass treatise), Catalina played a pri-mary role. The construction of the building started in 1593, just when the royal privilege and the licence to print the Arte de canto llano were issued. It was also in 1594 that humanities lessons began at the col-lege and the numbers at the school for younger chil-dren and the grammar school reached a peak.29 In a letter dated May 1595 and addressed to the Jesuit Gaspar Moro, Diego Garca suggested the founda-tion of a chair of plainchant at Monforte College (probably an ignored project of Rodrigo de Castro, according to Evaristo Rivera lvarez)30 and pro-posed his nephew for that position.31 There are clear parallels between the reasons for the publication of the Arte de canto llano and those cited for creating a chair of plainchant at Monforte: Montanos pointed out that the motivation behind his publication was

    the need to learn the practice of chant which he had noticed when he had worked in Galicia, while Garca claimed the relevance of a chair of plainchant for the training of Galician clergymen. Even though there are no documents to confirm the realization of Garcas project, it is most likely that there was a con-nection between the publication of the Arte de canto llano, Montanoss dedication to Catalina de Ziga, Montanoss reference to Gallician clergymen as pro-spective users of his book, and the teaching of music at Monforte College.

    In 1598 Cardinal Rodrigo de Castro conferred upon Catalina de Ziga powers to oversee the construction of the Monforte College building.32 Perhaps coincidentally again, the Arte de canto llano was reprinted for the first time (as far as we know) in 1598. This new edition, though, lacks the dedication

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    to the countess and instead we find a Latin dedica-tion to the Virgin in which Montanos is referred to in the third person (Montanos tibi dedicate alma parens); the dedication reappears in the editions of 1610, 1616, 1625 and 1643. This fact, together with the failure to include the sonnet by Montanoss friend found in the 1594 edition, suggests that Montanos may have died by 1598, so that the initiative of the reprint may have been taken over by someone else. Perhaps, owing to the commercial demand for the book, either the printers (Gaspar Hernndez and Juan de Bustillo) or a bookseller decided to reprint it, as happened in the case of subsequent editions. However, the 1598 reprint was published again in Valladolid, using the 1594 royal privilege granted to Montanos, which suggests that it was either pro-moted by Montanos (in which case one wonders why he did not include the dedication to Catalina or the sonnet) or by another person to whom the author had conferred powers. It is tempting to spec-ulate on the agency of Catalina de Ziga in the 1598 reprint of the Arte de canto llano, but this cannot be confirmed owing to the lack of documentation.

    Contemporary descriptions emphasized Catalinas religiosity. The historian Esteban de Garibay y Zamalloa (15331600), who had met the countess, described her as a lady of great religion and exam-ple in all kinds of virtue and values.33 Indeed, in his study of female mystics in Golden Age Spain, Stephen Haliczer points out that nowhere in Europe did mysticism come to play such a dominant role as in Spain, where it ... took on the character of almost a mass movement, at least among the urban middle and upper classes.34 In letters written by Catalina de Ziga we find constant references to her religious fervour and her enthusiasm for relics of saints.35 The atmosphere of religiosity surrounding the Count and the Countess of Lemos is emphasized in archi-val documents. For instance, the above-mentioned Juan Sherwin explained to the inquisitors that he had decided to profess the Catholic faith shortly after arriving to work for the Count of Lemos in Galicia. Further evidence is found in a 1598 letter sent by Diego Garcia, the teacher responsible for Monforte de Lemos Jesuit College and subsequently its rector, to Cardinal Rodrigo de Castro. Garca explained that, owing to the bubonic plague devas-tating Galicia, the count and countess had sent their

    children to Madrid, that the countess would also travel to attend a wedding, but that the count would stay in Galicia beside his brother, a friar, making the people confess and organizing processions.36

    With his Arte de canto llano Montanos was fulfill-ing Catalinas requirements for the clergys musical training, and thus this highly popular handbook, reprinted regularly over a period of 150 years, may have been the result of her initiative. Catalinas patronage would be consistent with Paula Higginss hypothesis that in the late Middle Ages women played a role as active agents in the creation and propagation of musical culture; Higgins advocates research into female magnates and their ladies-in-waiting (such as Catalina de Ziga).37 Catalinas religious public agency in the musical field, though, appears to contrast with her activity in the private set-ting. Although the majority of Catalinas books were manuals on Christian perfection, the only music book among her belongings was not on plainsong, but a book in Italian language on music and dance which, according to Alejandro Luis Iglesiass iden-tification, may be Cesare Negris Nuove inventioni di balli, opera vaghissima (Milan, 1604) or Fabritio Carosos Nobilt di dame ... libro, altra volta, chia-mato il ballarino (Venice, 1605).38 This book with secular music and lute tablatures, probably aimed at cavalieri et dame, was the only music book in a donation made on behalf of Catalina to the monas-tery of the Descalzas in Monforte de Lemos by her niece Catalina de la Cerda in 1628. Therefore, the public agency of Catalina de Ziga probably con-trasted with her musical activities in the privacy of her home or in the queens chamber. Even a poem by Catalina Ziga emerges from the context of a lively court entertainment collected in the Cancionero de Pedro Rojas in a response to another poem by Juan de Borja on the diligent desire.39

    A music book for women?At first glance, the gender nuance in Montanoss dedications (that is, that the more ambitious Arte de musica was dedicated to the count, while the first part, published separately, was dedicated to the countess) could lead to speculation about the dif-ferences in musical knowledge expected from men and from women. We do not know the actual use that the count and the countess made of Montanoss

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    books, if any, although Cristina Diego suggests that Montanos may have taught music to the count.40 It is possible that he also taught the countess and her children; Montanoss Arte de musica (along with seven other unspecified music books and a guitar) was found among the books of Catalinas first-born, Pedro Fernndez de Castro, 7th Count of Lemos (see illus.3).

    It has been argued that Montanoss Arte de musica was not considered appropriate for womens educa-tion, using as evidence the case of Mariana de Jess, a nun in Santa Clara convent in Vitoria who, in a let-ter dated 1676 addressed to the composer Miguel de Irzar, claimed to keep a copy of the Arte de musica in secret; Soterraa Aguirre pointed out that the rea-son for keeping the book in secret was that it taught comprehension of the chant and composition.41 It could also be argued, though, that Montanos might have intended the potential female readers of the Arte de canto llano to identify with Catalina de Ziga, since it was also used in a context of domes-tic female education. According to a note on the title-page of the 1648 edition of Montanoss Arte de canto llano preserved at Salamanca University Library, this copy belonged to a 17th-century lady named Rosa Mara; the book was purchased to be used by her for private chant lessons which took place at her home and were given by a tutor named Gaspar, who was paid 28 reales (see illus.4).

    At first sight, Montanoss dedications seem to imply that womens musical training was more lim-ited that mens. However, an analysis of the prefatory material of Montanoss book shows that the Arte de musica was designed as a didactic tool to be used by chapel masters and that the Arte de canto llano

    was addressed to clergymen and, therefore, like El arte Tripharia, was a handbook containing suffi-cient information for those who only needed to be able to sing the Divine Office. An investigation into inventories of personal property and the signs of use in extant copies of artes de canto printed in the Renaissance Iberian world shows that these hand-books belonged without distinction to individual users of both genders (and to female and male reli-gious orders).

    Other books dedicated to Catalina de ZigaCatalina de Ziga was also the dedicatee of three other non-music books: Lope de Vegas Fiestas de Denia (Valencia, 1599),42 Luis Vlez de Guevaras Las bodas de los Catlicos Reyes de Espaa Don Felipe III y Doa Margarita de Austria celebradas en la Ciudad de Valencia (Seville, 1599) and Fray Juan de los ngeless Tratado espiritval de los soberanos mys-terios y ceremonias santas del diuino sacrificio de la Missa (Madrid, 1604). The first two works belong to the so-called relaciones (reports of an event) category, while the third one is a devotional treatise. According to Nieves Baranda, most books dedicated to women were on religious matters or belonged to the genre of relaciones, the latter usually the result of the link between the dedicatee and the reported event; in fact, Lope de Vega dedicated Fiestas de Denia to Catalina de Ziga because she was not able to attend this celebration.43 In contrast to Montanos, these three authors dedicated their books to Catalina after she had become Vicereine of Naples. In the case of Fray de los ngeless treatise, it was Catalina herself who, accord-ing to the prefatory material of the book, ordered its creation, shaped its contents as a prospective user of

    3 Memoria de los libros que se enbian al marques mi Seor que se allaron en su aposento (Madrid, Archivo de los Duques de Alba, c.2413, f.1v)

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    4 Francisco de Montanos, Arte de canto llano [...] aora nueuamente corregido, y enmendado por Sebastian Lopez de Velasco, Capellan de su Magestad, y Maestro de su Real Capilla de las Descalas. Aadida la Missa del Angel Custodio (Madrid, 1648), title-page (Salamanca, Biblioteca de la Universidad de Salamanca, bg/29166)

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    the work, and acted as a patroness covering the cost of publication. This devotional book strongly sug-gests that Catalinas patronage probably was a means of expressing her religious zeal (a venue of commu-nication, to use Kelley Harnesss words).

    The parallel between the purposes of Fray Juan de los ngeles and Montanoss books is clear: the for-mer explains to the faithful the meaning of the cer-emony of the Mass, while the latter was intended for clergymen to understand the solemnity of the Divine Office and to train for it. The comparison between both dedications indicates that, while Catalina was to use Tratado espiritval as a book of personal devo-tion, Montanoss book was addressed to clergymen and there are no references to the countess as a pro-spective user of the work. It would be interesting to know whether her patronage shaped in any way the contents of Montanos Arte de canto llano, as it did in the case of the 1604 treatise; if so, this would be an instance in which a woman determined the musical training of a group of men and not the reverse, as is generally claimed in gender studies on Iberian music treatises. Since female patronage and widowhood were closely related at this time,44 it should be pointed out that Catalina would have sponsored the publica-tion of the Arte de canto llano as a wife, while she was the dedicatee of Tratado espiritval as a widow.

    The religious public agency of womenThe exploration of the first edition of Montanoss Arte de canto llano has provided new biographical details about Montanos, since it confirms that he held the positions of chaplain and chapel master to the Count of Lemos in Galicia and that he left this position before 1594. In addition, Montanoss Arte de canto llano can be understood as the sole music book printed in the 16th-century Iberian world commis-sioned by a woman. Most likely this book functioned for its dedicatee as a way of showing off her religi-osity, since the artes de canto fulfilled the require-ment of religiosity and spirituality prescribed by the contemporary treatises on female conduct. Despite being widely circulated, the artes de canto have been overlooked as a source of musical culture of that period owing to a conception of music history based on large books.45 Thus, here we have approached the Renaissance Iberian world with the exploration of a double Otherness: the Other music books, that

    is, the (small) artes de canto, and the connections of women (the gendered Other) to those books.

    According to present knowledge, all the instru-mental music handbooks with secular repertory published in the 16th-century Iberian Peninsula were dedicated to men. Although Bermudos El arte Tripharia dedicated to the abbess Isabel Pacheco included the incipit of an organ tablature (the two-voice Dnde son estas serranas? Del pinar de vila son), Bermudo indicated that this piece was not as good as he had wanted, and thus he included it not to be played, but only as an example of tabla-ture. Judging then from printed book dedications, it seems that in the Iberian world women were not involved with instrumental music, perhaps owing to the low moral status attributed to music by the mor-alists of the age.46 However, other sources indicate that the reality of womens musical life was different from that of the official picture. Inventories of per-sonal property show that women possessed musi-cal instruments,47 and archival documents provide evidence of women who were hired as musicians and were not restricted to convents and courts; for example, Isabel de Plazaola was employed by Juana de la Lama, Duchess of Alburquerque, in 1564.48

    Although El arte Tripharia and the Arte de canto llano were dedicated to two women, we can-not ascertain that women were represented in the books dedicated to them, as they were not aimed at women as a separate category. The initial tempta-tion of taking the dedications of Montanoss books as an indication of the musical knowledge expected from women or men should be resisted. The dedica-tion of the Arte de canto llano shows that Catalina de Ziga, rather than being a prospective user of the handbook or just a passive recipient, probably commissioned the publication, as she did in the case of Fray Juan de los ngeless Tratado spiritval, to serve her own agenda as a religious patroness. These cases lead us to question to what extent gender was a criterion affecting the categorization of the users of music books and to wonder if there were stronger criteria such as age (as suggested by Colleen Baade in the case of Pablo Nassarres Fragmentos musicos (Zaragoza, 1683)),49 levels of competency, educa-tional settings or social status.

    Surviving documents suggest an image of Catalina de Ziga with a strong character

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    (interestingly viewed as mannish) and a deep religiosity (as demanded by treatises on female conduct). The case of Catalina indicates that 16th-century Iberian noblewomen could be religious patrons, independent of their private musical activ-ities. However, it is difficult to determine whether this was a choice made by women, a consequence of the socially appropriate behaviour expected from women, or some form of negotiation. Stephen Haliczer argues that mysticism provided Spanish women with a way to transcend but not disrupt the control of the male-dominated church, so that the spiritual transports and worldly achieve-ments of Spains women mystics succeeded only in reinforcing the power and control of the male- dominated church.50 Thus, Catalina de Ziga

    could be regarded as the commissioner of an influ-ential plainsong handbook, but her public agency in the creation of musical culture took place only within the context of social acceptability, reinforc-ing the concept of female behaviour required by men in their treatises on female conduct.

    Appendix: Reprints of Francisco de Montanoss Arte de canto llano (Valladolid, 1594)

    AbbreviationsBC Barcelona, Biblioteca de CatalunyaBM London, British LibraryBNM Madrid, Biblioteca Nacional de Espaa MUC Madrid, Biblioteca de la Universidad ComplutenseUL University Library (of the indicated city)

    Edition details Title (additions in bold) Printing licence

    Dedication Copies consulted

    1592, Valladolid, Diego Fernndez de Crdoba y Oviedo

    Arte de mvsica theorica y pratica, de Francisco de Montanos. Racionero en la Iglesia mayor de Valladolid

    Montanos Fernando Ruiz de Castro, 6th Count of Lemos

    BM (m.k.1.f.5.); BNM (r/9503 and m2831); Oviedo UL (a-208); MUC (bh fll 27938)

    1594, Valladolid, Andrs de Merchn

    Arte de canto llano de Francisco de Montanos racionero en la Iglesia mayor de Valladolid, vno de los seis artes suyos que andan impressos, con algunas entonaciones, y cantos llanos diuersos en que se exerciten los que de nueuo aprenden

    Montanos Catalina de Sandoval y Ziga, 6th Countess of Lemos

    BU Coimbra (r-11-36)

    1598, Valladolid, Gaspar Hernndez y Juan de Bustillo

    Arte de canto llano con las diversas cosas. Como se vera en la Tabla, y discurso, y entonaciones comunes de Coro, y Altar. En todo va accentuado el punto con la letra, y algunas cosas remitidas puestas ad longum

    Montanos Beata Virgini BNM (m/7002)

    1610, Salamanca, en casa de Francisco de Cea Tesa, a costa de Andrs Lpez, mercader de libros

    Arte de canto llano con entonaciones comunes de Coro y Altar; y otras cosas diuersas, como se vera en la Tabla. En todo va acentuado el punto con la letra, y algunas cosas remitidas puestas ad longum

    Francisco de Crdoba

    Beata Virgini BNM (m/95); BC (m1009)

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    Edition details Title (additions in bold) Printing licence

    Dedication Copies consulted

    1616, Salamanca, Susana Muoz, a costa de Andrs Lpez mercader de libros

    Arte de canto llano, con entonaciones comunes de coro y Altar, y otras cosas diversas, como se ver en la Tabla. En todo va acentuado el punto con la letra, y algunas cosas remitidas puestas ad longum. Compuesto por Francisco de Montanos, y en esta vltima impression va aadida la Missa del Angel Custodio.

    Andrs Lpez

    Beata Virgini Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek (Mus.th. 7349)

    1625, Salamanca, en casa de Antonio Vzquez, a costa de Antonio Lpez Caldern, mercader de libros

    Arte de canto llano con entonaciones comunes de coro y Altar, y otras cosas diuersas, como se ver en la Tabla. En todo va acentuado el punto con la letra, y algunas cosas remitidas puestas ad longum. Compuesto por Francisco de Montanos, y en esta vltima impression va aadida la Missa del Angel Custodio.

    [No licence]

    Beata Virgini BNM (r/31438)

    1635, Madrid, Imprenta Real, a costa de Juan Antonio Bonet, mercader de libros

    Arte de canto llano. Con entonaciones comunes de coro y altar, y otras cosas diversas, como se ver en la tabla. En todo va acentuado el punto con la letra, y algunas cosas remitidas puestas ad longum. Compuesto por Francisco de Montanos, y agora nuevamente corregido, y enmendado por Sebastian Lopez de Velasco, Capellan de su Magestad, y maestro de su Real Capilla de las Descalas. Aadida la Missa del Angel Custodio.

    [Juan Antonio Bonet?]

    [No dedication?]

    c.1640, Zaragoza, Juan de Ibar

    Arte de canto llano, con entonaciones comunes de coro y altar y otras cosas diversas... [Lpez de Velasco]

    [No licence]

    Martyr San Pedro de Arbues

    BNM (m/42 and r/4054)

    1643, Madrid, Imprenta Real, a costa de Antonio Ribero, mercader de libros

    Arte de canto llano, con entonaciones comunes de coro y altar y otras cosas diversas... [Lpez de Velasco]

    - Beata Virgini Las Palmas de Gran Canaria UL (big xvii mon art)

    1648, Madrid, Imprenta Real

    Arte de canto llano, con entonaciones comunes de coro y altar y otras cosas diversas... [Lpez de Velasco]

    [No licence]

    [No dedication]

    BNM (m/1780; r/9505 and r/14492); BC (m912); Salamanca UL (bg/29166)

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    Edition details Title (additions in bold) Printing licence

    Dedication Copies consulted

    1665, Zaragoza, Ivan de Ybar

    Arte de canto llano, con entonaciones comunes de coro y altar y otras cosas diversas... [Lpez de Velasco]

    Juan de Ybar

    Fr. Francisco de Gamboa, Archbishop of Zaragoza

    BNM (r/31415); Barcelona UL (xvii-1615)

    1670, Zaragoza, Ivan de Ybar

    Arte de canto llano, con entonaciones comunes de coro y altar y otras cosas diversas... [Lpez de Velasco]

    [No licence]

    Martyr San Pedro de Arbues

    Barcelona UL (xvii-1616)

    1686, Madrid, Iuan Garcia Infanzon

    Arte de canto llano, con entonaciones comunes de coro y altar y otras cosas diversas... [Lpez de Velasco]

    [No licence]

    Nuestra Seora de la Concepcin

    Seville UL (a133/045)

    1687, Zaragoza, Pascual Bueno

    1693, Madrid, Ivan Garca Infanzn

    Arte de canto llano, con entonaciones comunes de coro y altar y otras cosas diversas... [Lpez de Velasco]

    [No licence]

    [No dedication]

    BNM (r/14484); Barcelona UL (xvii-1653)

    1694, Zaragoza, por Pasqual Bueno, a costa de los herederos de Gabriel de Len

    Arte de canto llano, con entonaciones comunes de coro y altar y otras cosas diversas... [Lpez de Velasco]

    [No licence]

    Martyr San Pedro de Arbues

    Barcelona UL (xvii-1654); Biblioteca de la Abada de Montserrat

    1705, Madrid, Imprenta de Msica, hallarase en casa de Diego Lucas Ximenez

    Arte de canto llano con entonaciones de coro, y Altar, y otras cosas. Compuesto por Francisco Montanos, y ahora nuevamente corregido, y aumentado El arte practico de canto de organo, con motetes, o lecciones diversas, por todos los tiempos, y claves, por Don Joseph de Torres, Organista principal de la Capilla Real de su Magestad.

    Joseph de Torres

    [No dedication]

    MUC (bh fll 27416)

    1711?, Madrid, Imprenta de Msica, hallarase en casa de Juan Estevan Bravo, mercader de libros

    [No copiesa]

    1712, Madrid, Imprenta de Msica, hallarase en casa de Juan Estevan Bravo, mercader de libros

    Arte de canto llano con entonaciones de coro, y Altar, y otras cosas... [Joseph de Torres]

    Joseph de Torres

    [No dedication]

    BNM (m/81; m/1781 and r/9525)

    1727, Zaragoza, por Miguel Montaes, vendese en su casa

    Arte de canto llano, con entonaciones comunes de coro y altar y otras cosas diversas... [Lpez de Velasco]

    [No licence]

    Martyr Santo Dominguito de Vul

    Valencia UL (x-7/94)

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    Edition details Title (additions in bold) Printing licence

    Dedication Copies consulted

    1728, Madrid, Imprenta de Msica por Miguel de Rzola, Se hallar en la librera de los herederos de Francisco Laso, frente de San Phelipe el Real

    Arte de canto llano, con entonaciones de coro, y Altar, &c.compuesto por Francisco Montanos y Arte practico de canto de Organo, con Motetes, Lecciones diversas, por todos los Tiempos, y claves, nuevamente corregidos. Y aora novissimamente en esta vltima impression aumentadas las tres Antiphonas de tiempo, Ave Regina Coelorum, Alma Redemptoris, y la Salve Regina Mater, las dos primeras al fin del Canto Llano, fol. 129.y la vltima al Canto de Organo, fol. 251.con su voz, y acompaamiento. Por Don Joseph de Torres, organista principal que fue, y aora Maestro de la Real Capilla de su Magestad, y Rector de su Real Colegio.

    Joseph de Torres

    [No dedication]

    BNM (m/51)

    1734, Madrid, Imprenta Real de Msica, se hallar en Casa de Juan Antonio Lopez

    Arte de canto llano, con entonaciones de coro, y Altar, &c.Compuesto por Francisco Montanos. Y arte practico de canto de organo con Motetes, y Lecciones diversas, nuevamente corregidos: Y ahora aumentadas novissimamente en esta vltima Impression: en el Canto Llano, las dos Sequencias Victima Paschali, &C.Y Veni Sante Spiritus. Y en el Canto de Organo vn Admirable, con Voz, y Acompaamiento, y vna Salve Duo, Tres, y Quatro segn la oportunidad de las voces. Por Don Joseph de Torres, organista Principal que fue, y aora Maestro de la Real Capilla de su Magestad, y Rector de su Real Colegio.

    Joseph de Torres

    [No dedication]

    BNM (m/3819)

    1756, Zaragoza, Imprenta de Francisco Moreno

    Arte de canto llano, con entonaciones comunes de coro y altar y otras cosas diversas... [Lpez de Velasco]

    [No licence]

    [No dedication]

    BNM (m/82); BC (m163)

    a A. Palau y Dulcet, Manual del librero hispanoamericano: bibliografa general espaola e hispanoamericana desde la inven-cin de la imprenta hasta nuestros tiempos (Barcelona, 194877 [19237]), at x, p.77.

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  • Early Music 15

    Ascensin Mazuela-Anguita is a recipient of a FPU Fellowship (200912) of the Spanish Ministerio de Educacin, Cultura y Deporte at the Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Cientficas, CSIC (Spanish National Research Council), Mil i Fontanals Institution in Barcelona; her 2012 PhD dissertation at the Universitat de Barcelona studies printed music handbooks of the 16th-century Iberian world. She is a research fellow in the R&D Project The Other in Spanish musical sources (16th18th centuries): foreigners, women, and Amerindians (har2009-07706, sponsored by the Spanish Ministerio de Ciencia e Innovacin), and member of the Research Group Music, heritage, and society, both ascribed to the CSIC, Mil i Fontanals Institution, in Barcelona. a.mazuela@imf.csic.es

    1 P. M. Ctedra Garca and A. Rojo Vega, Bibliotecas y lecturas de mujeres: s.XVI (Salamanca, 2004), p.87.2 M. T. Annoni and K. E. Nuccio, Gender as text and subtext: the case of Renaissance music pedagogy, Revista de Musicologa, xvi/4 (1993), pp.221028, at p.2227; M. Sanhuesa Fonseca, Msica de seoras: las religiosas y la teora musical espaola del siglo XVII, in La clausura femenina en Espaa: Actas del Simposium (1/4-ix-2004), coord. F. J. Campos y Fernndez de Sevilla (San Lorenzo del Escorial, 2004), i, pp.67180, at p.178.3 This article forms part of the research undertaken for the R&D Project The Other in Spanish musical sources (16th18th centuries): foreigners, women, and Amerindians (har2009-07706), sponsored by the Spanish Ministerio de Ciencia e Innovacin. The origin of this paper was research carried out at Royal Holloway, University of London in 2010, under the supervision of Dr Stephen Rose and funded by a FPU Fellowship of the Spanish Ministerio de Educacin, Cultura y Deporte.4 K. A. Harness, Echoes of womens voices: music, art and female patronage in early modern Florence (Chicago, 2006), pp.311.5 S. G. Bell, Medieval women book owners: arbiters of lay piety and ambassadors of culture, in Women and power in the Middle Ages, ed. M. Erner and M. Kowaleski (Athens, GA, 1988), pp.14987, at pp.1635.6 J. Kelly-Gadol, Did women have a Renaissance?, in Becoming visible: women in European history, ed. R. Bridenthal and C. Koonz (Boston, 1977), pp.13764, at p.152.

    7 E. Garrido Gonzlez et al., Historia de las mujeres en Espaa (Madrid, 1997), p.235.8 W. Prizer, Isabella dEste and Lucrezia Borgia as patrons of music: the frottola at Mantua and Ferrara, Journal of the American Musicological Society, xxxviii (1985), pp.133; idem, Renaissance women as patrons of music: the North-Italian courts, in Rediscovering the muses: womens musical traditions, ed. K. Marshall (Boston, 1993), pp.186205, at 197. The situation in Spain is very different, since the queens of Castile and Aragon customarily had their own music chapels; see T. W. Knighton, Isabel of Castile and her music books: Franco-Flemish song in fifteenth-century Spain, in Queen Isabel I of Castile: power, patronage, persona, ed. B. F. Weissberger (Woodbridge, 2008), pp.2952. Women of the Spanish nobility, albeit in Naples, have also been associated with sacred polyphony; see E. Ros-Fbregas, The Cardona and Fernndez de Crdoba coats of arms in the Chigi Codex, Early Music History, xxi (2002), pp.22358.9 R. Stevenson, Juan Bermudo (The Hague, 1960), p.v: Juan Bermudo pioneered with the first treatise specifically designed for female use.10 Even though the copy of El arte Tripharia to which all scholars refer is a c.1892 facsimile reproduction made by Francisco A. Barbieri and preserved at the Biblioteca Nacional de Espaa in Madrid, I found and consulted the original 1550 copy from which Barbieri made his facsimile, preserved in Oviedo, Universidad de Oviedo, Biblioteca Central, a-178(2). Within the book there is a single sheet in which

    the vicissitudes of this copy of El arte Tripharia are reported.11 Bermudo, El arte Tripharia, f.3v.12 Annoni and Nuccio, Gender as text and subtext, p.2215.13 C. R. Baade, Nun musicians as teachers and students in early modern Spain, in Music education in the Middle Ages and the Renaissance: reading and writing the pedagogy of the past, ed. S. F. Weiss, R. E. Murray and C. J. Cyrus (Bloomington, 2010), pp.26283.14 Sanhuesa Fonseca, Msica de seoras, p.178.15 M. Olarte Martnez, Las monjas msicas en los conventos espaoles del Barroco. Una aproximacin etnohistrica, Revista de Folklore, cxlvi (1993), pp.5663, ; S. Aguirre Rincn, Sonido en el silencio: monjas y msicas en la Espaa de 1550 a 1650, in Polticas y prcticas musicales en el mundo de Felipe II: estudios sobre la msica en Espaa, sus instituciones y sus territorios en la segunda mitad del siglo XVI, ed. J. Griffiths and J. Surez Pajares (Madrid, 2004), pp.285318, at p.299.16 On ngela Sigea and Paula Vicente, see C. M. de Vasconcelos, A Infanta D. Maria de Portugal e as Suas Damas (Porto, 1902) and P. lvarez Cifuentes, Juego de damas: Una corte femenina en el quinhentismo portugus, in Las revolucionarias. Literatura e insumisin femenina, ed. E. Gonzlez de Sande and A. Cruzado Rodrguez (Seville, 2009), pp.4157, at p.51. On Cecilia Morillas, see F. J. Lampillas, Ensayo historico-apologetico de la literatura espaola contra las opiniones preocupadas de algunos Escritores

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    modernos Italianos (Zaragoza, 1784 [1782]), p.363.17 Bermudo, El arte Tripharia, ff.2v, 3v.18 Bermudo, Libro primero, f.11v.19 Bermudo, El arte Tripharia, ff.39r40r.20 Bermudo, El arte Tripharia, f.4r.21 Stevenson, Juan Bermudo, p.5.22 M. A. Ester Sala, Difusi en catal de lobra de J. Bermudo a lOrdinarium Barcinonense de 1569, Recerca Musicolgica, v (1985), pp.1343; P. Otaola, Tradicin y modernidad en los escritos musicales de Juan Bermudo: del Libro primero (1549) a la Declaracin de instrumentos musicales (1555) (Kassel, 2000), pp.378.23 For biographical information about Montanos, active mainly in Valladolid, see R. Stevenson, Montanos, Francisco de, Grove Music Online(accessed 5 November 2011); SL (M. Querol), Montanos, Francisco de, Die Musik in Geschichte und Gegenwart: allgemeine Enzyklopdie der Musik, ed. L. Finscher (Kassel, 2004), cols.3701; C. Diego Pacheco, Beyond church and court: city musicians and music in Renaissance Valladolid, Early Music, xxxvii/3 (2009), pp.36778, at pp.3678; and C. Diego Pacheco, Circulacin y produccin del madrigal en Espaa durante el siglo XVI: el caso de Francisco de Montanos, Revista de Musicologa, xxxii/2 (2009), pp.3549, at p.44.24 M. L. Lemos, Impressos musicais da Biblioteca Geral da Universidade de Coimbra (Coimbra, 1980); Antonio Ventura Roel del Ro, Institucion harmonica (Madrid, 1748). Even though Montanoss two books are included in RISM, crits imprims concernant la musique, dir. Franois Lesure (Munich, 1971), ii, p.592, in SL (Querol), Montanos, Francisco de, col.371, and in a recent bibliographical work by A. S. Wilkinson (ed.), Iberian books: books published in Spanish or Portuguese or on the Iberian Peninsula before 1601/Libros ibricos: libros publicados en espaol o portugus o en la Pennsula Ibrica antes de 1601 (Leiden and Boston, 2010), p.518, the sole mention of the 1594 dedication of

    Arte de canto llano I have been able to find in the music literature appears in A. Luis Iglesias, El maestro de capilla Diego de Brucea (1567/711623) y el impreso perdido de su libro de Misas, Magnificats y Motetes (Salamanca: Susana Muoz, 1620), in Encomium musicae: essays in memory of Robert J. Snow, ed. D. Crawford (Hillsdale, 2002), pp.43569, at p.461, n.123.25 On the instrumental music books that emerged from the ducal court of Lerma, see D. Kirk, Instrumental music in Lerma, c.1608, Early Music, xxxiii/3 (1995), pp.393408.26 The 17th-century letters written by Catalina de Ziga are transcribed in M. I. Barbeito Carneiro, Escritoras madrileas del siglo XVII: estudio bibliographic-crtico (Madrid, 1986) and M. I. Barbeito Carneiro, Mujeres del Madrid Barroco:Voces testimoniales (Madrid, 1992). Earlier letters can be found in Correspondencia de la condesa de Lemos con su marido, 15921596, Madrid, Archivo de los Duques de Alba, c.4065 to 132; and Cartas de el amigo a la condesa de Lemos, 1594, Madrid, Archivo de los Duques de Alba, c.289.27 Orazio Della Rena, Osservazioni della Spagna et della sua casa e corte (1602), Paris, Bibliothque Nationale de France, clase xxiv, No.223, f.134r; Cuentos muy mal escritos que not don Juan de Arguijo, Madrid, Biblioteca Nacional de Espaa, MSS/19380, f.6r, tale No.26.28 Confesin y abjuracin de Juan Sherwin, ingls, natural de Auxmesta, tierra de Londres, y estante en la villa de Madrid, msico de violones y flautas, por anglicano, Madrid, Archivo Histrico Nacional, Seccin Inquisicin, 108, exp.11.29 Pedro de Ribadeneira, Historia de la Asistencia de Espaa (15401610), viii, ch.11, Ms., Rome, Archivum Romanum Societatis Iesu, Hispania 94; cited in E. Rivera lvarez, Galicia y los Jesuitas: sus colegios y enseanza en los siglos XVI al XVIII (La Corua, 1989), p.295.30 Rivera lvarez, Galicia y los Jesuitas, p.321.

    31 Madrid, Archivo de la Casa de Alba, c.15247, ff.1v2r. For a transcription, see J. M. Pita Andrade, Noticias sobre el Colegio de la Compaa de Monforte y la formacin del VII Conde de Lemos, Cuadernos de Estudios Gallegos, xv (1960), pp.10510.32 Rivera lvarez, Galicia y los Jesuitas, p.295.33 Esteban de Garibay y Zamalloa, Obras, no impresas, de Estevan de Garibay chronista de los catholicos reyes de las Espaas y del Nuebo Mundo, Philipes, segundo y tercero, manuscript (1790), 6 vols., Madrid, Biblioteca de la Real Academia de la Historia, 9/211017; cited in F. Fernndez de Bethencourt, Historia genealgica y herldica de la monarqua espaola, casa real y grandes de Espaa (Madrid, 18971912), iv, p.496.34 S. Haliczer, Female mystics in the Golden Age of Spain: between exaltation and infamy (Oxford, 2002), p.8.35 Haliczer, Female mystics in the Golden Age of Spain, p.13.36 Carta del P. Diego Garca de la Compaa de Jess, Prefecto de estudios del Colegio de Monforte, a D. Rodrigo de Castro y Osorio, Arzobispo de Sevilla, sobre la peste de Galicia en 1598. Camba, 26 de Agosto de 1598, Madrid, Biblioteca Nacional de Espaa, MSS/18552/16.37 P. Higgins, The other Minervas: creative women at the court of Margaret of Scotland, in Rediscovering the muses: womens musical traditions, ed. K. Marshall (Boston, 1993), pp.16985, at p.180.38 Luis Iglesias, El maestro de capilla Diego de Brucea, p.461, n.123.39 Cancionero de Pedro de Rojas, prologue by J. M. Blecua, ed. J. J. Labrador Herraiz, R. A. DiFranco and M. T. Cach (Cleveland, OH, 1988), pp.834.40 Diego Pacheco, Beyond church and court, p.371.41 Aguirre Rincn, Sonido en el silencio, p.298, cites the letter edited by M. Olarte, Miguel de Irzar y Domenzain (16351684?): biografa, epistolario y

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    estudio de sus lamentaciones (Valladolid, 1996), iii, pp.11213.42 See M. G. Profeti and B. J. Garca Garca, Lope de Vega. Fiestas de Denia (Florence, 2004).43 N. Baranda Leturio, Cortejo a lo prohibido: lectoras y escritoras en la Espaa moderna (Madrid, 2005), pp.5961. Contrary to Barandas statements on p. 61 and p.59, n.46, Catalina de Ziga y Sandoval was not the daughter of the marquises of Aguilafuente, and the dedicatee of Amaona christiana. Vida de la B. M. Theresa de J-H-S by Bartolom de Segura (Valladolid, 1619) was not Catalina de Ziga y Sandoval, widow of the 6th Count of Lemos, but her niece Catalina de La Cerda y Sandoval, who by then had married the 7th Count of Lemos. Thus it is not surprising that Amaona christiana was not in the 1628 inventory of Catalina de Zigas books.

    44 Kelley Ann Harness claims that widows tended to be the most prolific patrons, possibly due to tradition but also stemming from their increased access to money; see Harness, Echoes of womens voices, p.8.45 J. A. Owens, You can tell a book by its cover: reflections on format in English music theory, in Music education in the Middle Ages and the Renaissance, ed. Weiss, Murray and Cyrus, pp.34785, at p.377.46 P. Ramos, Musical practice and idleness: a moral controversy in Renaissance Spain, Acta Musicologica, lxxxi (2009), pp.25574.47 On women owners of musical instruments, see Diego Pacheco, Beyond church and court, pp.3723; and J. Griffiths, Hidalgo, merchant, poet, priest: the vihuela in the urban soundscape, Early Music, xxxvii/3 (2009), pp.35565, at p.363.

    48 Ejecutoria del pleito litigado por Isabel Ortiz, viuda de Gonzalo Hernndez de Plazaola, Blas Carrillo, como curador de Isabel de Plazaola, hija de los primeros, todos vecinos de Guadalajara, con Diego de la Cueva, marqus de La Adrada, Juana de la Lama, duquesa de Alburquerque, Juana Portocarrero, viuda de Antonio de la Cueva, y consortes sobre pago de 400 ducados por despedir a su hija antes de cumplir los seis aos al servicio de la duquesa como constaba en cierta escritura de obligacin, Valladolid, Real Audiencia Chancillera de Valladolid, Registro de Ejecutoras, Caja 1314-80.

    49 Baade, Nun musicians as teachers and students, p.260.

    50 Haliczer, Female mystics in the Golden Age of Spain, pp.2923.

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  • 18 Early Music

    Ascensin Mazuela Anguita

    Women as dedicatees of artes de canto in the early modern Iberian world: imposed knowledge or womens choice?Only two known 16th-century music books printed in the Iberian world were dedicated to women: El arte Tripharia (1550) by Juan Bermudo (c.1510after 1559) and Arte de canto llano (1594) by Francisco de Montanos (c.1528after 1595). The first one, dedicated to Isabel Pacheco, Abbess of the Santa Clara convent in Montilla (Crdoba), was addressed to her nuns. The second, dedicated to the noblewoman Catalina de Ziga y Sandoval (15551628), was a plainsong handbook consisting of only the first section of a previous work by Montanos, Arte de musica theorica y pratica (1592), which had been dedicated to Catalinas husband, Fernando Ruiz de Castro, 6th Count of Lemos. El arte Tripharia has usually been taken as evi-dence to claim that Renaissance Iberian music treatises considered women as intellectually inferior learners, to be taught passively only the practical side of music. This article, in addition to questioning received opinion about El arte Tripharia, focuses on the connections (generally overlooked) between Montanoss Arte de canto llano and Catalina de Ziga. Both the dedication by Montanos and the prefatory material of other books dedicated to Catalina de Ziga support the hypothesis that this noble-woman was not a passive receptor or a prospective user of Montanoss book, but might in fact have commissioned the publication of this work to serve her own agenda as a religious patroness. I will argue that these two music handbooks dedicated to Isabel Pacheco and Catalina de Ziga were not conceived nor regarded at that time as books for women as a category, relating these two cases to the wider debates about the role of women in the crea-tion and transmission of culture and the representation of women in literature and art.Keywords: Catalina de Ziga, Francisco de Montanos, Juan Bermudo, women, music treatises, Arte de canto llano, El arte Tripharia, Spain, Otherness, musical education

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